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Example text

If the reflexivity of modernisation is seen as a normative or pedagogical – that is, political – concept, we enter the field of politics of recognition: who recognises what and why? We are inclined to think that at this state of modernity reflexivity is flawed by any measure of social equality and global justice. In its current forms reflexivity produces mere social frigidity and competition between the people of the West. The risk society is a risk first and foremost because common sense, political decision-making and philosophical reflection have not kept up with the ecological, sociological and ideological changes – not to mention new ethical demands in terms of equality and caretaking.

Pp. 28–9) Nowadays, this is a commonplace for many educators. Studies in educational anthropology have shown that even in educational settings, in schools, there are ‘extracurricular’, non-academic and informal activities going on all the time: different clubs, events, meetings, projects, sports events, informal relationships, dating and romance (see Peshkin 1994). In his phenomenology of schools, Illich identifies several underlying assumptions, or hidden curricula of schooling that constrain unlimited access to learning.

Thus we would like to envision – largely in the spirit of the declaration above – that in the near future the primary educational as well as political meaning of digital literacy has to refer to a world in which everyone has an opportunity to create, access, share and disseminate information and knowledge free of charge in order to educate and empower themselves, and define their quality of life locally and in their own terms. This task, of course, is a contested one, and contradicts the official – yet illusory – world-scale politics of economic agencies, such as the WTO.

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